Πατριαρχείο Αλεξανδρείας: Πάσχα με προσευχές για τους Έλληνες του Σουδάν

Το ΒΗΜΑ της Εκκλησίας

ΣΤΟΝ ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΟ ΑΜΠΕΛΩΝΑ ΤΗΣ ΑΦΡΙΚΗΣ

Με λαμπρότητα και θρησκευτική μεγαλοπρέπεια εόρτασαν οι Ορθόδοξοι Χριστιανοί την Ανάσταση του Κυρίου στον Ιερό Καθεδρικό Ναό Ευαγγελισμού της Θεοτόκου Αλεξάνδρειας.

Η ΑΘΜ ο Πάπας και Πατριάρχης Αλεξανδρείας και πάσης Αφρικής κ.κ. Θεόδωρος Β΄, συμπαραστατούμενος από τον Σεβ. Μητροπολίτη Ναυκράτιδος κ. Παντελεήμονα, Αρχιγραμματέα της Αγίας και Ιεράς Συνόδου, προέστη της τελετής της Αναστάσεως και προεξήρχε της Αναστάσιμης Θείας Λειτουργίας, μεταφέροντας προς όλους το χαρμόσυνο μήνυμα «Χριστός Ανέστη!».

Παρέστησαν, επίσης, ο Γενικός Πρόξενος της Ελλάδος στην Αλεξάνδρεια, κ. Αθανάσιος Κοτσιώνης, ο Πρόεδρος της Ελληνικής Κοινότητος Αλεξανδρείας κ. Ανδρέας Βαφειάδης και εκπρόσωποι ελληνικών Συλλόγων και Οργανισμών της Πόλεως.

Την Κυριακή του Πάσχα, 16 Απριλίου, τελέστηκε στην Ιερά Πατριαρχική Μονή Οσίου Σάββα του Ηγιασμένου στην Αλεξάνδρεια ο πανηγυρικός Εσπερινός της Αναστάσεως.

Ο Μακαριώτατος Πάπας και Πατριάρχης κ.κ. Θεόδωρος Β΄ κατήλθε εν πομπή από την Αίθουσα Θρόνου της Μονής στον Ιερό Πατριαρχικό Ναό του Οσίου Σάββα, όπου προεξήρχε του Εσπερινού της Αγάπης, συγχοροστατούντων των Αρχιερέων του Θρόνου, Σεβ. Μητροπολίτου Ναυκράτιδος κ. Παντελεήμονος και Πανιερ. Μητροπολίτου Ταμιάθεως κ. Γερμανού.

Μέσα σε κλίμα χαρμόσυνο, ανεγνώσθη το Ιερό Ευαγγέλιο από τον Μακαριώτατο στην ελληνική, ενώ ακολούθησαν οι Αρχιερείς και ο ιερός κλήρος, σε διάφορες γλώσσες.

Ο Αλεξανδρινός Προκαθήμενος, αφού ευχαρίστησε όλους για την παρουσία τους, είπε: 

«Η σκέψη και η προσευχή μου στρέφονται προς τους εμπερίστατους αδελφούς της Αφρικής και όπου γης. Η σκέψη και η προσευχή μου στρέφονται προς τους χαροκαμένους γονείς των νέων των Τεμπών. Στρέφεται προς τους δοκιμαζομένους σήμερα Έλληνες του Σουδάν και τον Μητροπολίτη, μας Σάββα… Κουράγιο παιδιά μου, κουράγιο!

Αυτή θα είναι η ευχή μου για το φετινό Πάσχα. Η χαρά της Αναστάσεως να είναι ελπίδα, παρηγορία και δύναμη ακατάβλητη. Έχουμε Χριστό στην καρδιά μας; Έχουμε την Ανάσταση! Έχουμε Χριστό στη ψυχή μας; Έχουμε την υπομονή! Έχουμε Χριστό στη ζωή μας; Έχουμε ειρήνη και αγάπη!».

Ακολούθως, ο Μακαριώτατος επισκέφθηκε τον Οίκο Ευγηρίας της Ελληνικής Κοινότητος, όπου αντάλλαξε τον Αναστάσιμο χαιρετισμό με τους περιθαλπομένους γέροντες και τους εργαζομένους, προσφέροντας δώρα και ευλογίες σε όλους.

Τέλος, παρεκάθησε στο Πασχάλιο γεύμα που παρέθεσε η Ελληνική Κοινότητα Αλεξανδρείας στο εντευκτήριό της προς όλους τους παροίκους της Μ.Πόλεως.

Διαρκής επικοινωνία του Αλεξανδρινού Προκαθήμενου με τον Μητροπολίτη Νουβίας κ. Σάββα

Εξάλλου, από την πρώτη στιγμή της ενάρξεως των αιματηρών εχθροπραξιών στην πρωτεύουσα Χαρτούμ του Σουδάν, τη 15η Απριλίου, η ΑΘΜ ο Πάπας και Πατριάρχης Αλεξανδρείας και πάσης Αφρικής κ.κ. Θεόδωρος Β’ ευρίσκεται σε διαρκή τηλεφωνική επικοινωνία με τον επιχώριο Ποιμενάρχη, Σεβασμιώτατο Μητροπολίτη Νουβίας κ. Σάββα, ο οποίος θυσιαστικώς στέκεται δίπλα στο ποίμνιό του και περιθάλπει αυτό στο Μητροπολιτικό οίκημα, και δι’ αυτού με τους Έλληνες που διαβιούν στη χώρα.

Επίσης, ο Μακαριώτατος συνεργάζεται επί του θέματος με τον Πρέσβη της Ελλάδος στο Κάϊρο κ. Νικόλαο Παπαγεωργίου, στις διπλωματικές αρμοδιότητες του οποίου υπάγεται και το κράτος του Σουδάν.

Σήμερα, 18 Απριλίου, ο Προκαθήμενος της πρεσβυγενούς Αλεξανδρινής Εκκλησίας, σε προγραμματισμένη συνάντηση που θα έχει στο Κάϊρο με τον Πρόεδρο της Αραβικής Δημοκρατίας της Αιγύπτου κ. Αμπντέλ Φατάχ Αλ Σίσι, θα συζητήσει σχετικώς μαζί του, με σκοπό την προστασία των Ελλήνων παροίκων και την επίλυση του ανακύψαντος προβλήματος, αφού η Αίγυπτος εμπλέκεται ενεργά στην διαδικασία απεμπλοκής και ειρηνεύσεως στη γειτονική χώρα του Σουδάν.

Ο Μακαριώτατος εκζητεί πατρικώς την προσευχή όλων, ώστε να πρυτανεύσει η λογική και ειρήνη μεταξύ των εμπλεκομένων στην σύρραξη μερών.

Για Τρίτη ημέρα εγκλωβισμένοι στη Μητρόπολη ο Μητροπολίτης Νουβίας και 15 πιστοί

 

Φωτο από εδώ

Την ίδια ώρα, στο Σουδάν παραμένει έκρυθμη η κατάσταση, με τον Μητροπολίτη Νουβίας και παντός Σουδάν κ. Σάββα, που βρίσκεται από το Μ. Σάββατο εντός της Μητρόπολης στο Χαρτούμ μαζί με 15 ακόμα άτομα, να δηλώνει στην ΕΡΤ: «Είμαστε σήμερα στο επίκεντρο της διαμάχης. Χρησιμοποιούν βαρύ οπλισμό σήμερα. Δεν μπορεί κανείς να βγει έξω, ούτε τις πόρτες να ανοίξει. Υπάρχουν αδέσποτες σφαίρες, οπότε είμαστε ιδιαίτερα προσεκτικοί και σε σημεία που δεν μπορούν να χτυπήσουν σφαίρες, γιατί τις προηγούμενες ημέρες χτύπησαν και τις πόρτες και τα παράθυρα, οπότε είμαστε σε σημεία τέτοια που να μην κινδυνεύουμε».

Αναφερόμενος στο θέμα των προμηθειών και τις ανάγκες που υπάρχουν, τόνισε ότι «Δόξα τω Θεώ, έχουμε επάρκεια σε τρόφιμα και σε νερό. Δεν έχει ρεύμα και νερό, χρησιμοποιούμε τη γεννήτρια μία ώρα την ημέρα, μιάμιση περίπου, για να μπορέσουμε να φορτίσουμε τα κινητά και να προμηθευτούμε νερό από τα φίλτρα γιατί δεν μπορούμε να προμηθευθούμε ούτε πετρέλαιο για να έχουμε τη γεννήτρια σε συνεχή λειτουργία. Είναι δύσκολη κατάσταση […] Περιμένουμε και ελπίζουμε σε ένα θαύμα».

Για την κατάσταση της υγείας των δυο Ελλήνων τραυματιών, ο Σεβασμιώτατος δήλωσε ότι «Είναι καλά. Είναι σε νοσοκομείο στο Χαρτούμ και περιμένουν απλά το χειρουργείο, διότι δεν μπορούν τα νοσοκομεία εξαιτίας της κατάστασης να προμηθευτούν τα απαραίτητα χειρουργικά υλικά από τα ιατρικά καταστήματα».

Σημειώνεται ότι σύμφωνα με τον τελευταίο απολογισμό, κατά τη διάρκεια των τριών ημερών των μεταξύ του στρατού του στρατηγού Αμπντέλ Φατάχ Αλ-Μπουρχάν και των ισχυρών παραστρατιωτικών δυνάμεων του στρατηγού Μοχάμεντ Χαμντάν Ντάγκλο, έχουν σκοτωθεί περισσότεροι από 185 άνθρωποι και έχουν τραυματιστεί 1.800 άμαχοι και μαχητές. Τα παραπάνω στοιχεία γνωστοποίησε το βράδυ της Δευτέρας ο επικεφαλής της αποστολής του ΟΗΕ στο Σουδάν, Φόλκερ Πέρτες.

 

"I have with me the Taxiarch of God, who is dark-colored like you, come see him!"

Mother Stavritsa the Missionary and the Miracle of the Archangel Michael the Taxiarch

 

Orthodox Christian Faith & Life

The wondrous icon of the Holy Archangel Michael, Mantamados, Mytilene (Lesvos). “Where your grace casts its shade, Archangel, there the devil’s power is chased away; for the fallen Morning Star cannot endure in your light.” May he intercede for us all and protect us! The Sunday of the Holy Myrrhbearers is one of the major feasts of the Holy Archangel Michael the Taxiarch, Mantamados, Mytilene (Lesvos). This is because that church was consecrated on this day. Thousands of pilgrims flock to celebrate this feast, seek the intercessions of the great Taxiarch, and thank him for his prayer and his protection.
Days of travelling, days of mourning (+ my father-in-law, Pericles), days of new beginnings, new home and new job, arduous, exhausting days, yet such hope and inspiration in Mama Stavritsa’s faith and courage!

 Mama Stavritsa with the 1st Orthodox Bishop of Uganda, Theodoros

 

Miracles of the Archangel Michael the Taxiarch to Mother Stavritsa the Missionary (+2000) (1)

 

My name is Stavritsa Zachariou, and I am a Greek American. In 1969 I went to Africa as a missionary. I am 75 years old, and 15 years I spent in Africa, near our suffering brothers, sowing the seed of the Gospel. I stay by myself in Nairobi, Kenya, and from there I go to Kampala, Cameroon, and other places, where the seed of the Gospel of Christ needs to be sowed.

I am a missionary of the Archdiocese of America. With the help of God and of benefactors, we built 12 holy Churches in [Africa]. We built the 10^th holy church in honor of the Archangel Michael, and I wanted to paint his icon from the prototype from the north gate of the Patriarchate. As I was finishing the icon, when I went to the post office, I received a letter from Fr. Soterios Trampa. I know Archimandrite Fr. Soterios, who was a missionary for many years in Korea, and who also served as a preacher of your Metropolis, along with Chancellor of the Archdiocese of Athens from 1968-1973. In his letter was a small booklet on the Taxiarch of Mantamados. Then I learned about Mantamados, and the bas-relief icon of the Archangel Michael. Fr. Soterios wrote: “I am sending you the information on the Taxiarch of Mantamados, that you might come to know his wondrous icon. Within this you will see one of his many miracles, which occur daily to the glory of God. I served there in the past, and I especially honor him…”

 

I began to read the booklet on the Taxiarch, including the miracle of the sword. As I continued reading, I reached the place regarding the passing of the sword from some unknown person to Mr. Diamante, when there was as if some marked commotion in the icon [that she had painted]. I turned around to see what was happening then and, O my God!!!! The Archangel of the icon began to come to life, to take on flesh and bones! I was astonished! I knelt before it and began to pray with tears and to ask for his help and his protection. After a short while, slowly the icon began to return to its natural state.

I was supposed to go for a trip to Kampala. I always thought that when I would go on some trip, that I should take with me the icon of some Saint from my icon corner. That time, I took with me the little icon of the Taxiarch of Mantamados.

We reached the border of Kampala and Kenya, and Kampala at that time (1988) had a military regime. When we speak about a military regime in the center of Africa, it means that human life is cheaper than the life of a blackbird!

As we were passing through, my driver (a Kenyan and my Koumbaro) did not notice that at one place there was a stop sign and he kept going. Five wild motorcyclists surrounded us. They got off their motorcycles, drew their weapons, and knelt, preparing to fire at us and to take our car and our possessions as spoil. That is what usually occurred there…

 

Then, I don’t know what strength was within me, but I opened the door of the car..I exited with the icon of the Taxiarch in my hands, and approached them, crying out:

“For God’s sake, stop! I have with me the Taxiarch of God, who is dark-colored (2) like you, come see him!!!”

Automatically, it was as if someone grabbed them by the hands. They calmed down, left their weapons in the grass, and ran up to me, took the icon, like something holy and venerable, and began to examine it carefully and to shout. They bowed their faces to the ground and holding my hands, they asked for forgiveness. Then I saw that one of them was injured badly in the hand by a knife. I took my first aid kit from the car, nursed the wound and dressed it. We became friends! The most impressive thing is that, there was sown the word of God, and the five of them received Christ, and became Christians!

After all of this, I promised to the Archangel to come to Greece, to Mantamados, to thank him. And today, I feel very blessed that the Lord made me worthy to fulfill my promise. I thank Him from all my heart!”

 

(1) Ed.’s Note: Excerpt not included in the Amazon book; part of her own autobiography, yet available in a limited edition only in Greek.

 

(2) Ed.’s Note: Dark-colored, because of dirt, mud and dried blood: 

“There are two accounts surrounding the date of this icon, one having to do with the Ottoman Turkish occupation and destruction of 1462, and the other with Saracen pirates during the 9th and 10th centuries during which the entire island was invaded.In either case, the story of the creation of the icon shares the theme that the target of the raids was the monastery of the Taxiarchis. The pirates threatened the monks with death if they would not reveal the whereabouts of the hidden villagers. The monks refused and the invaders slaughtered all of the monks except for one novice-monk ^[1]
As the pirates where leaving, the novice climbed to the roof of the monastery to be sure that the pirates had left. However, the pirates noticed him from afar and returned to kill him as well. It is at this point in the story that the Archangel Michael makes his appearance in front of the Saracens with his own sword drawn forcing them to retreat in terror^[2]. Thanks to this miracle from the Archangel the monk survived and descending to the courtyard buried the bodies of his fellow brotherhood.
The monk still in deep respect and reverence for having witnessed the Archangel Michael in all his fury, gathered up the earth that was red by the blood of the martyred monks and shaped it into the icon-sculpture of the Archangel as it is today; while it was still vivid in his memory. According to legend, the monk did not have enough of this dirt-blood mix and so the head of the Archangel has turned out disproportionately larger to the rest of his body.
This icon, is now kept within the interior of the church. Many islanders claim to have had personal experiences of miracles being granted for them by Mantamados. This is evident by the numerous cabinets full of tagmata (gifts) to the Archangel housed inside the church. To this day, pilgrims to this church have mixed emotions regarding this icon. At times, the expression on the icon can appear severe, sad, or happy, according to the message that the Archangel wants to convey to that pilgrim or the faithful. This is the tradition of the much-celebrated icon of Mantamados.”

Please, see also

 

From Africa about Angels: Synaxis of the Archangel Michael and the Other Bodiless Powers

The Orthodox Church in Uganda, an outgrowth of indigenous self discovery 

Orthodox Uganda (tag) 

Orthodox Mission in Tropical Africa (& the Decolonization of Africa)  

Natives Africans bishops in the Orthodox Church 

Five orthodox missionaries who blessed Sub-Saharan Africa (and an anonymous holy child of Africa) 

Wamisionari tano halisi ambaye heri Afrika kusini mwa Sahara (na takatifu mtoto bila majina ya Afrika) 

Les dits de Mère Stavritsa

The Kingdom of Heaven, where racial discrimination has no place
"THE WAY" - An Introduction to the Orthodox Faith
How “White” is the Orthodox Church?
 

Afrikas schlimmste Despoten

 Völkermord, Vielweiberei und Ausbeutung Afrikas schlimmste Despoten

Hunderte Millionen Afrikaner leben in Armut – ihre politischen Führer regieren mit eiserner Hand: Hier sind sechs Despoten, die am längsten im Amt sind.

Blick.ch
Publiziert am 16.11.2017 | Aktualisiert am 14.05.2018
 
Sudan: Omar al Bashir

Omar al Bashir (73) kam 1989 über einen Militärputsch im Sudan an die Macht. Er stürzte damals den gewählten Premierminister Sadiq al Mahdi. Mit dem Friedensvertrag 2005 beendete Bashir einen 20-jährigen Bürgerkrieg, in dem Hunderttausende Menschen starben. Kaum war der Frieden mit dem Süden des Landes unter Dach und Fach, begann der Aufstand der Rebellen in der westsudanesischen Provinz Darfur. Diesen liess Bashir mit brutalen Mitteln niederschlagen. Wegen der Verbrechen der sudanesischen Armee unter Bashirs Verantwortung hat der Internationale Strafgerichtshof zwei Haftbefehle gegen den Präsidenten erlassen, wegen Kriegsverbrechen und Völkermord. Der internationale Druck hat Bashir bisher allerdings kaum beeindruckt.

Swasiland: König Mswati

König Mswati (48) regiert Swasiland seit 1986. Das Land gehört zu den ärmsten Staaten der Welt mit der höchsten HIV-Rate auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent. Mswati führt ein Leben in Saus und Braus. Er verbat sämtliche politische Parteien und Organisationen. Seither ist das Land kein Ein-, sondern ein Kein-Parteien-Staat, und Mswati regiert als «absoluter König». Unter Experten gilt die Vielweiberei des Herrschers als ein Grund für die hohe Aids-Rate des Landes. Rund ein Viertel der etwa 1,2 Millionen Einwohner sind mit dem HIV-Virus infiziert. Viele Männer praktizieren noch immer die Polygamie. Mswati hat zwölf Ehefrauen. Die meisten davon lernte er beim Schilfrohrtanz kennen. Dies ist ein einwöchiges Spektakel, das Tausende junge Swasi-Frauen alljährlich im August zu Ehren des Königshauses aufführen müssen.

Äquatorial-Guinea: Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo

Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (75) kam in Äquatorial-Guinea 1979 an die Macht. Dies nachdem er seinen Onkel, den ersten grausamen Präsidenten von Äquatorial-Guinea, gestürzt und hingerichtet hatte. Unter seiner Führung werden Oppositionelle gefoltert und misshandelt. Auch wird die ethnische Minderheit Bubi verfolgt. Der Präsident räumte 1997 ein, dass in seinem Land die Menschenrechte systematisch verletzt und ignoriert werden. Sein Sohn und geplanter Nachfolger Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mangue lebt derweil in 280-Millionen-Euro-Yachten oder in seiner Villa in Malibu.

Kamerun: Paul Biya

Paul Biya (84) regiert Kamerun als zweiter Präsident überhaupt seit 1982. Seine Landsleute nennen ihn «den Vater». Der Regent führt seine Amtsgeschäfte gerne von einem Luxushotel in Genf aus, wie die Wochenzeitung «Die Zeit» berichtete. In seiner Heimat soll er sich selten aufhalten. Politisch ist das Land derzeit stabil und hat gute Beziehungen zu Frankreich. Jedoch leidet das Kamerun unter den hohen Lebensmittelpreisen. Biya interessierte einen entsprechenden Aufstand in seinem Land nicht. Er geniesst lieber seinen unsagbaren Reichtum. So soll er mit seinen Getreuen und der Familie im französischen La Baule 43 Suiten für 800'000 Euro gemietet haben.

Tschad: Idriss Déby

Idriss Déby (65) ist seit 1990 Präsident des Tschad. In seiner Kindheit war er Hirtenjunge. Nun soll er 50 Millionen Dollar besitzen. Seine Amtszeit ist von Menschenrechtsverletzungen geprägt. Der Tschad wandelte sich nach 2003 von einem armen Baumwollstaat zum fünftgrössten Ölproduzenten Afrikas. Millionen kam so in die Staatskasse. Trotzdem lebt etwa jeder zweite Tschader in Armut.

Eritrea: Isayas Afewerki

Isayas Afewerki (71) ist seit 1993 Staatspräsident von Eritrea. In dem Ein-Mann-Staat gibt es keine Meinungs-, Reise- und Religionsfreiheit. Der Wehrdienst ist verpflichtend und kann lebenslang sein. Willkürliche Festnahmen und Folter sind an der Tagesordnung. Freie Wahlen sind Fremdwörter in seiner Diktatur. Fluchtversuche aus Eritrea werden mit gezielten Todesschüssen quittiert.

Alle aktuellen Informationen rund um den Putsch in Simbabwe gibt es im Newsticker.

Idi Amin Dada, the dictator of Uganda

From Wikipedia

 

Amin pictured in 1973
3rd President of Uganda
In office 25 January 1971 – 11 April 1979
Vice President	Mustafa Adrisi
Preceded by	Milton Obote
Succeeded by	Yusufu Lule
Personal details
Born	Idi Dada c. 1923–1928 Koboko, Uganda Protectorate
Died	16 August 2003 (aged 74–80) Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
Nationality	Ugandan
Spouse(s)	Malyamu (divorced) Kay (divorced) Nora (divorced) Madina (widow) Sarah Kyolaba (widow)
Children	43 (estimate)[1]
Military service
Allegiance	Uganda (from 1962) United Kingdom (until 1962)
Service/branch	British Army (1946–62) Uganda People's Defence Force (1962–79)
Rank	Lieutenant (UK) Field Marshal (Uganda)
Unit	King's African Rifles (1946–62)
Commands	Commander-in-Chief of the Ugandan armed forces
Battles/wars	Mau Mau Uprising 1971 Ugandan coup d'état Uganda–Tanzania War

Idi Amin Dada (/ˈiːdi ɑːˈmiːn/; c. 1923–28 – 16 August 2003) was a Ugandan political leader and military officer who was the President of Uganda from 1971 to 1979.
Amin was born in either Koboko or Kampala to a Kakwa father and Lugbara mother. In 1946 he joined the King's African Rifles (KAR) of the British Colonial Army. Initially a cook, he rose to the position of lieutenant, taking part in British actions against Somali rebels in the Shifta War and then the Mau Mau rebels in Kenya. Following Uganda's independence from the United Kingdom in 1962, Amin remained in the armed forces, rising to the position of major and being appointed Commander of the Army in 1965. Aware that Ugandan President Milton Obote was planning on arresting him for misappropriating army funds, Amin launched a 1971 military coup and declared himself President.
During his years in power, Amin shifted from being a pro-western ruler, enjoying considerable Israeli support to being backed by Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko, the Soviet Union, and East Germany.^[3][4][5] In 1975, Amin became the chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), a Pan-Africanist group designed to promote solidarity among African states.^[6] During the 1977–1979 period, Uganda was a member of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.^[7] Amin did, however, have the support of the US Central Intelligence Agency, which helped deliver bombs and other military equipment to Amin's army and took part in military operations with Amin's forces in Uganda.^[8] In 1977, when Britain broke diplomatic relations with Uganda, Amin declared he had defeated the British and added "CBE", for "Conqueror of the British Empire", to his title. Radio Uganda then announced his entire title: "His Excellency President for Life, Field Marshal Alhaji Dr. Idi Amin Dada, VC, DSO, MC, CBE".^[9]
Dissent within Uganda and Amin's attempt to annex the Kagera Region of Tanzania in 1978 led to the Uganda–Tanzania War and the demise of his eight-year regime. Amin then went into exile, first in Libya and then in Saudi Arabia, where he lived until his death on 16 August 2003. Amin's rule was characterized by rampant human rights abuses, political repression, ethnic persecution, extrajudicial killings, nepotism, corruption, and gross economic mismanagement. The number of people killed as a result of his regime is estimated by international observers and human rights groups to range from 100,000^[10] to 500,000.^[9]

Biography 

Early life

Amin did not write an autobiography, and he did not authorize an official written account of his life. So, there are discrepancies regarding when and where he was born. Most biographical sources claim that he was born in either Koboko or Kampala around 1925.^[a] Other unconfirmed sources state Amin's year of birth from as early as 1923 to as late as 1928. Amin's son Hussein has stated that his father was born in Kampala in 1928.^[13]
According to Fred Guweddeko, a researcher at Makerere University, Amin was the son of Andreas Nyabire (1889–1976). Nyabire, a member of the Kakwa ethnic group, converted from Roman Catholicism to Islam in 1910 and changed his name to Amin Dada. He named his first-born son after himself. Abandoned by his father at a young age, Idi Amin grew up with his mother's family in a rural farming town in north-western Uganda. Guweddeko states that Amin's mother was Assa Aatte (1904–1970), an ethnic Lugbara and a traditional herbalist who treated members of Buganda royalty, among others.^[11]
Amin joined an Islamic school in Bombo in 1941. After a few years, he left school with only a fourth-grade English-language education, and did odd jobs before being recruited to the army by a British colonial army officer.^[11]

Colonial British Army

Chronology of Amin's military promotions

King's African Rifles
1946	Joined the King's African Rifles
1947	Private
1952	Corporal
1953	Sergeant
1958	Sergeant major (acting as platoon commander)
1959	Effendi (warrant officer)
1961	Lieutenant (one of the first two Ugandan officers)
Uganda Army
1962	Captain
1963	Major
1964	Deputy Commander of the Army
1965	Colonel, Commander of the Army
1968	Major general
1971	Head of state Chairman of the Defence Council Commander-in-chief of the armed forces Army Chief of Staff and Chief of Air Staff
1975	Field Marshal

Amin joined the King's African Rifles (KAR) of the British Colonial Army in 1946 as an assistant cook.^[14] In later life, he falsely claimed he was forced to join the army during World War II and that he served in the Burma Campaign.^[9][15][16] He was transferred to Kenya for infantry service as a private in 1947, and served in the 21st KAR infantry battalion in Gilgil, Kenya until 1949. That year, his unit was deployed to northern Kenya to fight against Somali rebels in the Shifta War. In 1952, his brigade was deployed against the Mau Mau rebels in Kenya. He was promoted to corporal the same year, then to sergeant in 1953.^[11]
In 1959, Amin was made Afande (warrant officer), the highest rank possible for a black African in the colonial British Army of that time. Amin returned to Uganda the same year and, in 1961, he was promoted to lieutenant, becoming one of the first two Ugandans to become commissioned officers. He was assigned to quell the cattle rustling between Uganda's Karamojong and Kenya's Turkana nomads. In 1962, following Uganda's independence from the United Kingdom, Amin was promoted to captain and then, in 1963, to major. He was appointed Deputy Commander of the Army in 1964 and, the following year, to Commander of the Army.^[11] In 1970, he was promoted to commander of all the armed forces.^[17]
Amin was an athlete during his time in both the British and Ugandan army. At 193 cm (6 ft 4 in) tall and powerfully built, he was the Ugandan light heavyweight boxing champion from 1951 to 1960, as well as a swimmer. Amin was also a formidable rugby forward,^[18][19] although one officer said of him: "Idi Amin is a splendid type and a good (rugby) player, but virtually bone from the neck up, and needs things explained in words of one letter".^[19][20] In the 1950s, he played for Nile RFC.^[21]
There is a frequently repeated urban myth^[19][21] that he was selected as a replacement by the East Africa rugby union team for their 1955 match against the British Lions. Amin, however, does not appear on the team photograph or on the official team list.^[22] Following conversations with a colleague in the British Army, Amin became a keen fan of Hayes Football Club – an affection that would remain for the rest of his life.^[23]

Commander of the Army

In 1965, Prime Minister Milton Obote and Amin were implicated in a deal to smuggle ivory and gold into Uganda from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The deal, as later alleged by General Nicholas Olenga, an associate of the former Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba, was part of an arrangement to help troops opposed to the Congolese government trade ivory and gold for arms supplies secretly smuggled to them by Amin. In 1966, the Ugandan Parliament demanded an investigation. Obote imposed a new constitution abolishing the ceremonial presidency held by Kabaka (King) Mutesa II of Buganda, and declared himself executive president. He promoted Amin to colonel and army commander. Amin led an attack on the Kabaka's palace and forced Mutesa into exile to the United Kingdom, where he remained until his death in 1969.^[24][25]
Amin began recruiting members of Kakwa, Lugbara, South Sudanese, and other ethnic groups from the West Nile area bordering South Sudan. The South Sudanese had been residents in Uganda since the early 20th century, having come from South Sudan to serve the colonial army. Many African ethnic groups in northern Uganda inhabit both Uganda and South Sudan; allegations persist that Amin's army consisted mainly of South Sudanese soldiers.^[26]

Seizure of power 

Milton Obote, Uganda's second President, whom Amin overthrew in a coup d'état in 1971

 

Eventually a rift developed between Amin and Obote, exacerbated by the support Amin had built within the army by recruiting from the West Nile region, his involvement in operations to support the rebellion in southern Sudan and an attempt on Obote's life in 1969. In October 1970, Obote took control of the armed forces, reducing Amin from his months-old post of commander of all the armed forces to that of commander of the army.^[17]
Having learned that Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, Amin seized power in a military coup on 25 January 1971, while Obote was attending a Commonwealth summit meeting in Singapore. Troops loyal to Amin sealed off Entebbe International Airport and took Kampala. Soldiers surrounded Obote's residence and blocked major roads. A broadcast on Radio Uganda accused Obote's government of corruption and preferential treatment of the Lango region. Cheering crowds were reported in the streets of Kampala after the radio broadcast.^[27] Amin announced that he was a soldier, not a politician, and that the military government would remain only as a caretaker regime until new elections, which would be announced when the situation was normalised. He promised to release all political prisoners.^[28]
Amin gave former King (Kabaka) of Buganda and President, Edward Mutesa (who had died in exile), a state funeral in April 1971, freed many political prisoners, and reiterated his promise to hold free and fair elections to return the country to democratic rule in the shortest period possible.^[29]

Presidency

 

Main article: History of Uganda (1971–79)

Establishment of military rule

On 2 February 1971, one week after the coup, Amin declared himself President of Uganda, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Army Chief of Staff, and Chief of Air Staff. He announced that he was suspending certain provisions of the Ugandan constitution, and soon instituted an Advisory Defence Council composed of military officers with himself as the chairman. Amin placed military tribunals above the system of civil law, appointed soldiers to top government posts and parastatal agencies, and informed the newly inducted civilian cabinet ministers that they would be subject to military discipline.^[17][30]
Amin renamed the presidential lodge in Kampala from Government House to "The Command Post". He disbanded the General Service Unit (GSU), an intelligence agency created by the previous government, and replaced it with the State Research Bureau (SRB). SRB headquarters at the Kampala suburb of Nakasero became the scene of torture and executions over the next few years.^[31] Other agencies used to persecute dissenters included the military police and the Public Safety Unit (PSU).^[31]
Obote took refuge in Tanzania, having been offered sanctuary there by the Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. Obote was soon joined by 20,000 Ugandan refugees fleeing Amin. The exiles attempted but failed to regain Uganda in 1972, through a poorly organised coup attempt.^[32]

Persecution of ethnic and political groups

Amin retaliated against the attempted invasion by Ugandan exiles in 1972, by purging the army of Obote supporters, predominantly those from the Acholi and Lango ethnic groups.^[33] In July 1971, Lango and Acholi soldiers were massacred in the Jinja and Mbarara barracks.^[34] By early 1972, some 5,000 Acholi and Lango soldiers, and at least twice as many civilians, had disappeared.^[35] The victims soon came to include members of other ethnic groups, religious leaders, journalists, artists, senior bureaucrats, judges, lawyers, students and intellectuals, criminal suspects, and foreign nationals. In this atmosphere of violence, many other people were killed for criminal motives or simply at will. Bodies were often dumped into the River Nile.^[36]
The killings, motivated by ethnic, political, and financial factors, continued throughout Amin's eight years in control.^[35] The exact number of people killed is unknown. The International Commission of Jurists estimated the death toll at no fewer than 80,000 and more likely around 300,000. An estimate compiled by exile organizations with the help of Amnesty International puts the number killed at 500,000.^[9]
Among the most prominent people killed were Benedicto Kiwanuka, a former prime minister and chief justice; Janani Luwum, the Anglican archbishop; Joseph Mubiru, the former governor of the central bank of Uganda; Frank Kalimuzo, the vice chancellor of Makerere University; Byron Kawadwa, a prominent playwright; and two of Amin's own cabinet ministers, Erinayo Wilson Oryema and Charles Oboth Ofumbi.^[37]
Amin recruited his followers from his own ethnic group, the Kakwas, along with South Sudanese. By 1977, these three groups formed 60 percent of the 22 top generals and 75 percent of the cabinet. Similarly, Muslims formed 80 percent and 87.5 percent of these groups even though they were only 5 percent of the population. This helps explain why Amin survived eight attempted coups.^[38] The army grew from 10,000 to 25,000 by 1978. Amin's army was largely a mercenary force. Half the soldiers were South Sudanese and 26 percent Congolese, with only 24 percent being Ugandan, mostly Muslim and Kakwa.^[39]

We are determined to make the ordinary Ugandan master of his own destiny and, above all, to see that he enjoys the wealth of his country. Our deliberate policy is to transfer the economic control of Uganda into the hands of Ugandans, for the first time in our country's history.

— Idi Amin on the persecution of minorities^[40]

In August 1972, Amin declared what he called an "economic war", a set of policies that included the expropriation of properties owned by Asians and Europeans. Uganda's 80,000 Asians were mostly from the Indian subcontinent and born in the country, their ancestors having come to Uganda in search of prosperity when India was still a British colony.^[41] Many owned businesses, including large-scale enterprises, which formed the backbone of the Ugandan economy.^[42][43][44]
On 4 August 1972, Amin issued a decree ordering the expulsion of the 50,000 Asians who were British passport holders. This was later amended to include all 60,000 Asians who were not Ugandan citizens. Around 30,000 Ugandan Asians emigrated to the UK. Others went to Commonwealth countries such as Australia, South Africa, Canada, and Fiji, or to India, Kenya, Pakistan, Sweden, Tanzania, and the United States.^[42][45][44] Amin expropriated businesses and properties belonging to the Asians and the Europeans and handed them over to his supporters. The businesses were mismanaged, and industries collapsed from lack of maintenance. This proved disastrous for the already declining economy.^[30]
In 1977, Henry Kyemba, Amin's health minister and a former official of the first Obote regime, defected and resettled in the UK. Kyemba wrote and published A State of Blood, the first insider exposé of Amin's rule.^{[citation needed]}

International relations

 

See also: Foreign relations of Uganda

Initially, Amin was supported by Western powers such as Israel, West Germany and, in particular, Great Britain. During the late 1960s, Obote's move to the left, which included his Common Man's Charter and the nationalisation of 80 British companies, had made the West worried that he would pose a threat to Western capitalist interests in Africa and make Uganda an ally of the Soviet Union. Amin, who had served with the King's African Rifles and taken part in Britain's suppression of the Mau Mau uprising prior to Ugandan independence, was known by the British as "intensely loyal to Britain". This made him an obvious choice as Obote's successor. Although some have claimed that Amin was being groomed for power as early as 1966, the plotting by the British and other Western powers began in earnest in 1969, after Obote had begun his nationalisation programme.^[46]
Following the expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972, most of whom were of Indian descent, India severed diplomatic relations with Uganda. The same year, as part of his "economic war", Amin broke diplomatic ties with the UK and nationalised all British-owned businesses.^[47]
That year, relations with Israel soured. Although Israel had previously supplied Uganda with arms, in 1972 Amin expelled Israeli military advisers and turned to Muammar Gaddafi of Libya and the Soviet Union for support.^[33] Amin became an outspoken critic of Israel.^[48] In return, Gaddafi gave financial aid to Amin.^[49] In the 1974 French-produced documentary film General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait, Amin discussed his plans for war against Israel, using paratroops, bombers, and suicide squadrons.^[15]
The Soviet Union became Amin's largest arms supplier.^[4] East Germany was involved in the General Service Unit and the State Research Bureau, the two agencies that were most notorious for terror. Later during the Ugandan invasion of Tanzania in 1979, East Germany attempted to remove evidence of its involvement with these agencies.^[5]

Idi Amin visits the Zairian dictator Mobutu during the Shaba I conflict in 1977

 

In 1973, U.S. Ambassador Thomas Patrick Melady recommended that the United States reduce its presence in Uganda. Melady described Amin's regime as "racist, erratic and unpredictable, brutal, inept, bellicose, irrational, ridiculous, and militaristic".^[50] Accordingly, the United States closed its embassy in Kampala.
In June 1976, Amin allowed an Air France airliner from Tel Aviv to Paris hijacked by two members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – External Operations (PFLP-EO) and two members of the German Revolutionäre Zellen to land at Entebbe Airport. The hijackers were joined there by three more. Soon after, 156 non-Jewish hostages who did not hold Israeli passports were released and flown to safety, while 83 Jews and Israeli citizens, as well as 20 others who refused to abandon them (among whom were the captain and crew of the hijacked Air France jet), continued to be held hostage.^[51] In the subsequent Israeli rescue operation, codenamed Operation Thunderbolt (popularly known as Operation Entebbe), on the night of 3–4 July 1976, a group of Israeli commandos were flown in from Israel and seized control of Entebbe Airport, freeing nearly all the hostages. Three hostages died during the operation and 10 were wounded; 7 hijackers, about 45 Ugandan soldiers, and 1 Israeli soldier, Yoni Netanyahu, were killed. A fourth hostage, 75-year-old Dora Bloch, an elderly Jewish Englishwoman who had been taken to Mulago Hospital in Kampala before the rescue operation, was subsequently murdered in reprisal. The incident further soured Uganda's international relations, leading the United Kingdom to close its High Commission in Uganda.^[52]
Uganda under Amin embarked on a large military build-up, which raised concerns in Kenya. Early in June 1975, Kenyan officials impounded a large convoy of Soviet-made arms en route to Uganda at the port of Mombasa. Tension between Uganda and Kenya reached its climax in February 1976, when Amin announced that he would investigate the possibility that parts of southern Sudan and western and central Kenya, up to within 32 kilometres (20 mi) of Nairobi, were historically a part of colonial Uganda. The Kenyan Government responded with a stern statement that Kenya would not part with "a single inch of territory". Amin backed down after the Kenyan army deployed troops and armored personnel carriers along the Kenya–Uganda border.^[53]

Deposition and exile

 

See also: Uganda–Tanzania War

By 1978, the number of Amin's supporters and close associates had shrunk significantly, and he faced increasing dissent from the populace within Uganda as the economy and infrastructure collapsed as a result of the years of neglect and abuse. After the killings of Bishop Luwum and ministers Oryema and Oboth Ofumbi in 1977, several of Amin's ministers defected or fled into exile.^[54] In November 1978, after Amin's vice president, General Mustafa Adrisi, was injured in a car crash, troops loyal to him mutinied. Amin sent troops against the mutineers, some of whom had fled across the Tanzanian border.^[30] Amin accused Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere of waging war against Uganda, ordered the invasion of Tanzanian territory, and formally annexed a section of the Kagera Region across the boundary.^[30][32]
In January 1979, Nyerere mobilised the Tanzania People's Defence Force and counterattacked, joined by several groups of Ugandan exiles who had united as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). Amin's army retreated steadily, and, despite military help from Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, Amin was forced to flee into exile by helicopter on 11 April 1979, when Kampala was captured. He escaped first to Libya, where he stayed until 1980, and ultimately settled in Saudi Arabia, where the Saudi royal family allowed him sanctuary and paid him a generous subsidy in return for his staying out of politics.^[14] Amin lived for a number of years on the top two floors of the Novotel Hotel on Palestine Road in Jeddah. Brian Barron, who covered the Uganda–Tanzania war for the BBC as chief Africa correspondent, together with cameraman Mohamed Amin (no relation) of Visnews in Nairobi, located Amin in 1980, and secured the first interview with him since his deposition.^[55]
During interviews he gave during his exile in Saudi Arabia, Amin held that Uganda needed him, and never expressed remorse for the nature of his regime.^[56]

Illness and death

On 19 July 2003, one of Amin's wives, Madina, reported that he was in a coma and near death at the King Faisal Specialist Hospital and Research Centre in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, from kidney failure. She pleaded with the Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni, to allow him to return to Uganda for the remainder of his life. Museveni replied that Amin would have to "answer for his sins the moment he was brought back".^[57] Amin's family decided to disconnect life support and Amin died at the hospital in Jeddah on 16 August 2003. He was buried in Ruwais Cemetery in Jeddah in a simple grave without any fanfare.^[58] After Amin's death, David Owen revealed that when he was the British Foreign Secretary he had proposed having Amin assassinated. He has defended this, arguing: "I'm not ashamed of considering it, because his regime goes down in the scale of Pol Pot as one of the worst of all African regimes".^[59]

Family and associates 

Remnants of Amin's palace on Lake Victoria

 

A polygamist, Idi Amin married at least six women, three of whom he divorced. He married his first and second wives, Malyamu and Kay, in 1966. In 1967, he married Nora, and then married Nalongo Madina in 1972. On 26 March 1974, he announced on Radio Uganda that he had divorced Malyamu, Nora, and Kay.^[60][61] Malyamu was arrested in Tororo on the Kenyan border in April 1974 and accused of attempting to smuggle a bolt of fabric into Kenya. She later moved to London where she operates a restaurant in East London.^[60][62] In 1974, Kay Amin died under mysterious circumstances, with her body found dismembered.^[63] Nora fled to Zaire in 1979; her current whereabouts are unknown.^[62]
In July 1975, Amin staged a £2 Million wedding to 19 year old Sarah Kyolaba, a go-go dancer with the Revolutionary Suicide Mechanised Regiment Band, nicknamed "Suicide Sarah".^[64] The wedding was held during the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) summit meeting in Kampala, and the chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, Yasser Arafat served as Amin's best man.^[65] The couple had four children, and enjoyed rally race driving Amin's Citroën SM, with Sarah as navigator.^[64] Sarah was a hairdresser in Tottenham when she died in 2015. Before she met Amin, she was living with a boyfriend, Jesse Gitta; he vanished and it is not clear if he was beheaded, or detained after fleeing to Kenya.^[64][65]
By 1993, Amin was living with the last nine of his children and one wife, Mama a Chumaru (who appears to be his sixth and newest wife), the mother of the youngest four of his children. His last known child, daughter Iman, was born in 1992.^[66] According to The Monitor, Amin married a few months before his death in 2003.^[62]
Sources differ widely on the number of children Amin fathered; most say that he had 30 to 45.^[b] Until 2003, Taban Amin (born 1955),^[69] Idi Amin's eldest son, was the leader of West Nile Bank Front (WNBF), a rebel group opposed to the government of Yoweri Museveni. In 2005, he was offered amnesty by Museveni, and in 2006, he was appointed Deputy Director General of the Internal Security Organisation.^[70] Another of Amin's sons, Haji Ali Amin, ran for election as Chairman (i.e. mayor) of Njeru Town Council in 2002 but was not elected.^[71] In early 2007, the award-winning film The Last King of Scotland prompted one of his sons, Jaffar Amin (born in 1967),^[72] to speak out in his father's defence. Jaffar Amin said he was writing a book to rehabilitate his father's reputation.^[73] Jaffar is the tenth of Amin's 40 official children by seven official wives.^[72]
On 3 August 2007, Amin's son (with Sarah), Faisal Wangita (born in 1981), was convicted for playing a role in a murder in London.^{[74][75][76][77]}
Among Amin's closest associates was the Briton Bob Astles, who is considered by many to have been a malign influence and by others as having been a moderating presence.^[78] Isaac Malyamungu was an instrumental affiliate and one of the more feared officers in Amin's army.^[54]

Erratic behaviour, self-bestowed titles and media portrayal 

A 1977 caricature of Amin in military and presidential attire by Edmund S. Valtman

 

As the years progressed, Amin's behaviour became more erratic, unpredictable, and outspoken. After the United Kingdom broke off all diplomatic relations with his regime in 1977, Amin declared he had defeated the British, and conferred on himself the decoration of CBE (Conqueror of the British Empire). His full self-bestowed title ultimately became: "His Excellency, President for Life, Field Marshal Al Hadji Doctor Idi Amin Dada, VC, DSO, MC, Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Seas and Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General and Uganda in Particular", in addition to his officially-stated claim of being the uncrowned King of Scotland.^[79] He never received the Distinguished Service Order (DSO) or the Military Cross (MC). He conferred a doctorate of law on himself from Makerere University as well as the Victorious Cross (VC), a medal made to emulate the British Victoria Cross.^[6][80]
Amin became the subject of rumours and myths, including a widespread belief that he was a cannibal.^[81] Some of the rumours, such as the mutilation of one of his wives, were spread and popularised by the 1980 film Rise and Fall of Idi Amin and alluded to in the film The Last King of Scotland in 2006, a movie which earned actor Forest Whitaker an Academy Award for Best Actor for his portrayal of Amin.^[82]
During Amin's time in power, popular media outside of Uganda often portrayed him as an essentially comic and eccentric figure. In a 1977 assessment typical of the time, a Time magazine article described him as a "killer and clown, big-hearted buffoon and strutting martinet".^[83] The comedy-variety series Saturday Night Live aired four Amin sketches between 1976–79, including one in which he was an ill-behaved houseguest in exile, and another in which he was a spokesman against venereal disease.^[84] In a Benny Hill show transmitted in January 1977, Hill portrayed Amin sitting behind a desk that featured a placard reading "ME TARZAN, U GANDA".^[85]
The foreign media were often criticised by Ugandan exiles and defectors for emphasizing Amin's self-aggrandizing eccentricities and taste for excess while downplaying or excusing his murderous behavior.^[86] Other commentators even suggested that Amin had deliberately cultivated his eccentric reputation in the foreign media as an easily parodied buffoon in order to defuse international concern over his administration of Uganda.^[87]

Portrayal in media and literature  

Film and television dramatisations

• Victory at Entebbe (1976), a TV film about Operation Entebbe. Julius Harris plays Amin. Godfrey Cambridge was originally cast as Amin, but died of a heart attack on the set. Amin commented on Cambridge's death, saying that it was "a good example of punishment by God".^[88]
• Raid on Entebbe (1977), a film depicting the events of Operation Entebbe. Yaphet Kotto portrays Amin as a charismatic, but short-tempered political and military leader.
• In Mivtsa Yonatan (1977; also known as Operation Thunderbolt), an Israeli film about Operation Entebbe, Jamaican-born British actor Mark Heath portrays Amin, who in this film is first angered by the Palestinian terrorists whom he later comes to support.
• Comedian Richard Pryor portrayed a parodied version of Amin in his namesake show in 1977.^[89]
• Rise and Fall of Idi Amin (1981), a film recreating Idi Amin's atrocities. Amin is played by Kenyan actor Joseph Olita.
• The Naked Gun: From the Files of Police Squad! (1988), a comedy film in which Amin, portrayed by Prince Hughes in a cameo appearance, is one of the real-life figures in the Beirut meeting where he helps plan an attack the United States at the beginning of the movie. Frank Drebin injures Amin's hand after blocking a punch with a spittoon, and uses it to knock Amin out a window.
• Mississippi Masala (1991), a film depicting the resettlement of an Indian family after the expulsion of Asians from Uganda by Idi Amin. Joseph Olita again plays Amin in a cameo.
• The Last King of Scotland (2006), a film adaptation of Giles Foden's 1998 novel of the same name. For his portrayal of Idi Amin, Forest Whitaker won the Academy Award, British Academy Film Award, Broadcast Film Critics Association Award, Golden Globe Award, and Screen Actors Guild Award, thus becoming the fourth black actor to win the Oscar for Best Actor.

• NBC-TV's "Saturday Night Live" did some comedy sketches of Idi Amin portrayed by comedian Garrett Morris in the 1970s. The most memorable one was a parody of President Jimmy Carter's national telephone call-in which Idi Amin was doing his version having a tied-up Walter Cronkite during the broadcast. Everyone called asking what happened to their relative that got arrested or taken away and Idi Amin always replied, "Simple, they were killed in an auto accident."

Documentaries

• General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait (1974), directed by French filmmaker Barbet Schroeder.
• Idi Amin: Monster in Disguise (1997), a television documentary directed by Greg Baker.
• The Man Who Ate His Archbishop's Liver? (2004), a television documentary written, produced, and directed by Elizabeth C. Jones for Associated-Rediffusion and Channel 4.
• The Man Who Stole Uganda (1971), World In Action first broadcast 5 April 1971.
• Inside Idi Amin's Terror Machine (1979), World In Action first broadcast 13 June 1979.
• A Day in the Life of a Dictator (2013), directed by Hendrick Dusollier
• On the Spot (2014), a television documentary series featuring an interview with Amin's son Jaffar

Books

• State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin (1977) by Henry Kyemba
• The General Is Up by Peter Nazareth
• Ghosts of Kampala: The Rise and Fall of Idi Amin (1980) by George Ivan Smith
• The Last King of Scotland (1998) by Giles Foden (fictional)
• Idi Amin Dada: Hitler in Africa (1977) by Thomas Patrick Melady
• General Amin (1975) by David Martin
• I Love Idi Amin: The Story of Triumph under Fire in the Midst of Suffering and Persecution in Uganda (1977) by Festo Kivengere
• Impassioned for Freedom: Uganda, Struggle Against Idi Amin (2006) by Eriya Kategaya
• Confessions of Idi Amin: The chilling, explosive expose of Africa's most evil man – in his own words (1977) compiled by Trevor Donald
• "Kahawa" by Donald Westlake; a thriller in which Amin is a minor character, but Amin's Uganda is portrayed in detail.
• Culture of the Sepulchre (2012) by Madanjeet Singh (former Indian Ambassador to Uganda), ISBN 0-670-08573-1^[90]

Music and audio

• "Idi Amin – the Amazin' Man song" (1975) by John Bird
• "Idi Amin" (1978) by Mighty Sparrow
• "Idi Amin" (1978) by Black Randy and the Metrosquad
• "Ide A Mim Dadá" (1979) by Raul Seixas
• "Springtime in Uganda" (2004) by Blaze Foley (posthumous release)
• The Collected Broadcasts of Idi Amin (1975) based on The Collected Bulletins of President Idi Amin (1974) and Further Bulletins of President Idi Amin (1975) by Alan Coren, portraying Amin as an amiable, if murderous, buffoon in charge of a tin-pot dictatorship. It was a British comedy album parodying Ugandan dictator Idi Amin, released in 1975 on Transatlantic Records. Performed by John Bird and written by Alan Coren, it was based on columns he wrote for Punch magazine

Notes
 

Many sources, like Encyclopædia Britannica, Encarta, and the Columbia Encyclopedia, claim that Amin was born in Koboko or Kampala c.1925, and that the exact date of his birth is unknown. Researcher Fred Guweddeko claimed that Amin was born on 17 May 1928,^[11] but that is disputed.^[12] The only certainty is that Amin was born sometime during the mid-1920s

According to Henry Kyema and the African Studies Review,^[67] Idi Amin had 34 children. Some sources say Amin claimed to have fathered 32 children. A report in The Monitor says he was survived by 45 children,^[62] while another in the BBC gives the figure of 54.^[68]

 

References 

 

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"Dictator Idi Amin dies". BBC News. 16 August 2003.

Roland Anthony Oliver, Anthony Atmore. Africa Since 1800. p. 272.

Dale C. Tatum. Who influenced whom?. p. 177.

Gareth M. Winrow. The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa, p. 141.

"Idi Amin: A Byword for Brutality". News24. 21 July 2003. Archived from the original on 5 June 2008. Retrieved 13 February 2012.

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New York Times, 17 December 1986; Paper Cites CIA Aid to Amin's Army in 70s

Keatley, Patrick (18 August 2003). "Obituary: Idi Amin". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 18 March 2008.

Ullman, Richard H. (April 1978). "Human Rights and Economic Power: The United States Versus Idi Amin". Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 26 March 2009. The most conservative estimates by informed observers hold that President Idi Amin Dada and the terror squads operating under his loose direction have killed 100,000 Ugandans in the seven years he has held power.^{[dead link]}

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Cain, Nick and Growden, Greg "Chapter 21: Ten Peculiar Facts about Rugby" in Rugby Union for Dummies (2nd Edition), p294 (pub: John Wiley and Sons, Chichester, England) ISBN 978-0-470-03537-5

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"The fans no team would want". Yahoo!. Eurosport. 28 May 2012. Retrieved 24 November 2014.

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"Idi Amin Dada Biography". Encyclopedia of World Biography. Thomson Gale. 2005. Retrieved 20 March 2016.

Nantulya, Paul (2001). "Exclusion, Identity and Armed Conflict: A Historical Survey of the Politics of Confrontation in Uganda with Specific Reference to the Independence Era" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 October 2006.

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[1]Archived 14 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine.

[2]

Kibazo, Joel (13 January 2007). "A Brute, Not a Buffoon". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 8 August 2009. ... Amin was widely portrayed as a comic figure. Yes, he had expelled the Asians and murdered a few people, but isn't that what was expected of Africa, I used to hear.

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Sources

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• Gwyn, David (1977). Idi Amin: Death-Light of Africa. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 0-316-33230-5.
• Kyemba, Henry (1977). A State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin. New York: Ace Books. ISBN 0-441-78524-4.
• Lloyd, Lorna (2007). Diplomacy with a Difference: The Commonwealth Office of High Commissioner, 1880–2006. University of Michigan: Martinus Nijhoff. ISBN 90-04-15497-3.
• Melady, Thomas P.; Margaret B. Melady (1977). Idi Amin Dada: Hitler in Africa. Kansas City: Sheed Andrews and McMeel. ISBN 0-8362-0783-1.
• Orizio, Riccardo (2004). Talk of the Devil: Encounters with Seven Dictators. Walker & Company. ISBN 0-436-20999-3.
• Palmowski, Jan (2003). Dictionary of Contemporary World History: From 1900 to the Present Day (Second ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-860539-0.

External links

 

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Idi Amin.

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Idi Amin

• The Idi Amin I knew, Brian Barron, BBC, 16 August 2003. Includes a video of Brian Barron interviewing Idi Amin in exile in 1980. The Atlantic – 1 April 2001 Memo and Quincy LS the series
• Luck, Adam (13 January 2007). "Mad Ugandan dictator's son reveals all about his 'Big Daddy'". Daily Mail. Retrieved 20 August 2014.
• General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait on Google Videos (Flash Video)
• idiamindada.com, a website devoted to Idi Amin's legacy created by his son Jaffar Amin
• Idi Amin on IMDb
• Idi Amin (Character) on IMDb

 

See also

 

Orthodox Uganda

The Orthodox Church in Uganda, an outgrowth of indigenous self discovery
The Orthodox Church in Tanzania
Orthodox Mission in Tropical Africa (& the Decolonization of Africa)
How “White” is the Orthodox Church?
Pioneers of the Orthodox Church in Uganda!