Emergence of the Nation.
Inhabited in the eighth century and organized into chieftainships and then a sultanate that often was threatened by Nzwani, Mayotte became a French possession in 1841, after a period of Malagasy raids and the violent seizure of power by a succession of usurpers. At the outset a sugar colony and then the administrative center of the archipelago, Mayotte lost that distinction in 1958, when the capital was moved to Moroni (Ngazidja). When the Comoros gained independence in 1975, Mayotte chose to remain French to benefit from French development funds, which residents feared it would no longer receive.
National Identity. There is a common desire to remain French in order to preserve social equality and receive financial aid. However, Mahorans feel that they share in Comorean culture along with certain Malagasy traits and are united by their practice of Islam. This explains their reluctance to abandon their individual status under local (Islamic) law. Their French identity as an overseas collectivity is somewhat precarious: The status of the island within the French republic is considered provisional and will be reviewed in 2010.
Ethnic Relations. Mahorans, who have family ties to the inhabitants of the other Comorian islands, especially Ndzuani and the northeastern part of Madagascar, are faced with immigration from the neighboring islands (officially 26,000 Comorians and 1,500 Malagasy), where the standard of living is lower. From Ngazidja, men come to marry Mahoran women to obtain French citizenship and gain the right to enter France. Poor farmers from Nzwani arrive clandestinely. Despite this migratory pressure, violent social reactions are rare.
People from France, called wazungu (singular, mzungu), make up 4 percent of the population. They work mainly in the municipal administration and are in a position of authority. A different lifestyle, a higher economic level, and a lack of understanding of the local languages reinforce their separation from Mahorans.
National Identity. There is a common desire to remain French in order to preserve social equality and receive financial aid. However, Mahorans feel that they share in Comorean culture along with certain Malagasy traits and are united by their practice of Islam. This explains their reluctance to abandon their individual status under local (Islamic) law. Their French identity as an overseas collectivity is somewhat precarious: The status of the island within the French republic is considered provisional and will be reviewed in 2010.
Ethnic Relations. Mahorans, who have family ties to the inhabitants of the other Comorian islands, especially Ndzuani and the northeastern part of Madagascar, are faced with immigration from the neighboring islands (officially 26,000 Comorians and 1,500 Malagasy), where the standard of living is lower. From Ngazidja, men come to marry Mahoran women to obtain French citizenship and gain the right to enter France. Poor farmers from Nzwani arrive clandestinely. Despite this migratory pressure, violent social reactions are rare.
People from France, called wazungu (singular, mzungu), make up 4 percent of the population. They work mainly in the municipal administration and are in a position of authority. A different lifestyle, a higher economic level, and a lack of understanding of the local languages reinforce their separation from Mahorans.
Urbanism, Architecture, and the Use of Space
The typical two-room house is built of cob (earth mixed with rice straw), coconut fronds, or raffia. A program of social housing put in place in 1975 encourages the construction of houses made of earthen bricks and cement painted in bright colors: Sixty-five percent of the population lives in houses made out of solid materials and 75 percent of houses have electricity. Televisions are more numerous than refrigerators. The dwellings of bachelors (banga), built and occupied by themselves, are decorated with painted murals done by adolescents.
The mosque and the royal tombs from the sixteenth century in Tsingoni, the capital of the sultanate, have been restored. Some sugar factory chimneys from the nineteenth century, a reminder of the colonial period, also have been preserved.
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Orthodox Mission in Tropical Africa (& the Decolonization of Africa)
How “White” is the Orthodox Church?
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